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The bibliographic details of the work and where it appears in the thesis is outlined below: A revised version of this paper appears in Chapter One of the thesis. A revised version of this paper appears in a few sections of Chapter Two of the thesis. Community, Communications and Commerce, Wanning Sun ed. A revised version of this paper appears in Chapter Six of the thesis. This thesis is original work of the author except where otherwise acknowledged.
The ethnic Chinese were traumatised by the event, and experienced an identity crisis. They were confronted with the reality that many Indonesians still viewed and treated them as outsiders or foreigners, despite the fact that they had lived in Indonesia for many generations.
As a result, a whole new sphere for the public discourse of Chinese identity was opened up, and for the first time in several decades Perhimpunan indonesia tionghoa intimidating culture was allowed visibility in public. Many ethnic Chinese took advantage of the new democratic space to establish political parties, non-governmental organisations NGOs and action groups to fight for the abolition of discriminatory laws, defend their rights and promote solidarity between ethnic groups in Indonesia.
In the cultural sphere, they utilised the Reformasi atmosphere to promote pluralism and multiculturalism and to liberate their long-suppressed identity and cultural iii heritage.
It draws on participant observation and interviews conducted over a period of ten months of fieldwork in Jakarta as well as pop culture and media sources. The thesis also investigates the idea of hybridity, encompassing syncretism and the complexities of cultural crossing, borrowing and mixing, as it considers the border-crossing experience Perhimpunan indonesia tionghoa intimidating Chinese-Indonesians through localisation and globalisation.
The reinvention of Imlek: Clan associations and alumni groups: Conclusion vi Chapter Eight Preserving Ethnicity: Time for Chinese-Indonesian to claim equal rights as citizenship Appendix 2: List of interviewees Appendix Perhimpunan indonesia tionghoa intimidating Project information sheet and participant consent form Appendix 4: Interview questionnaire Appendix 5: In fact, is it you or we who have had enough?
The PhD has been a journey that has consumed a significant period of my youth. This journey was made possible by many people.
First and foremost, I wish to express my deepest gratitude to my supervisor, Associate Professor Lyn Parker, for her encouragement, patience and consistent guidance at every stage of this study. She has inspired and challenged me always to push boundaries and cross borders. Apart from the academic tutelage, I am also Perhimpunan indonesia tionghoa intimidating to her steadfast support in the establishment of my academic career.
Special thanks to Dr Romit Dasgupta — my mentor, confidant, best friend — who has shared the journey with me from the beginning to the submission of the thesis. Besides his precious friendship and unflagging support, Romit has provided invaluable comments and shown unfailing interest in my thesis. Mark Lim, a steadfast and faithful friend, who has always been there for me; Darwis — my best friend ever — and his family in Jakarta, who showed a lot kindness and generosity to me when I was in Jakarta; Dr Stephen Kwang who always provoked me with philosophical questions with regards to the meaning of life; and Gary Hsu who has supported me even though he is in Taiwan.
Special thanks to the pastor and members of the Reformed Evangelical Church of Indonesia MRII in Perth, whose prayers, support, encouragement and friendship greatly motivated me to endure the journey. My sincere appreciation goes to other academic colleagues and friends at UWA and elsewhere, whose support and understanding have been priceless.
I also owe a debt of gratitude to all my informants who showed an interest in my research, and were very generous in sharing their stories with me, over the period of fieldwork in Jakarta. There were a number of individuals who were instrumental to ix the accomplishment of my field research in a number of ways. Most importantly, I wish to express my love and thanks to my family in Brunei, Malaysia and Australia, who upheld me in prayers and encouragement.
I would like to dedicate this thesis to my uncle, Fook Chung, who was the first member in my extended family to attain a postgraduate education, and whose commitment to knowledge and principles have provided me with inspiration for my own academic pursuit.
Finally, I wish to give thanks to God who strengthened and sustained me throughout the course, and made the journey possible and enjoyable. Self-learn Mandarin books in a mainstream bookshop in Jakarta
Perhimpunan indonesia tionghoa intimidating p.
Books Perhimpunan indonesia tionghoa intimidating Chinese beliefs and customs after p. Stage decorations on the Ground Floor of a Jakarta shopping mall after p. Banner at check-in desk at Sukarno-Hatta airport after p. Chinese-language Quiz day at the University of Indonesia after p. Chinese-language tuition centre in Jakarta after p.
Participants of Cici Koko on a TV show after p. Ceng Beng Festival for Christians after p. Examples of the promotional material used by ethnic Chinese caleg after p. Promotional booklet used by caleg Eddy Sadeli in Indonesian after p.
Promotional booklet used by caleg Eddy Sadeli in Chinese after p. Participants of a seminar organised by an elite Chinese organisation in a hotel in Jakarta after p. Cartoon published in Sinar Glodok February Front page of Sinar Glodok February after p. Cover page Gatra No. Cover page of Xin Yindong Issue No. The Problematic Identity of the Ethnic Chinese in Indonesia With a population of approximately million and more than ethnic groups, Indonesia is undoubtedly one of the most ethnically and culturally diverse countries in the world.
The ethnic Chinese have suffered a long history of persecution since the first ethnic cleansing carried out by the Dutch in Java in Ever since, they have been rendered convenient targets of social hostility, culminating in the violence of May Yang Despite the fact that Perhimpunan indonesia tionghoa intimidating have lived in the archipelago for many generations, some with lineages extending back to the s Panmany Indonesians view and treat them as outsiders or foreigners.
Successive governments have considered ethnicity a sensitive issue and it was not included in the censuses conducted in, and However, Suryadinata et al.
The name-changing regulation of forced Chinese to change their Chinese names into Indonesiansounding names. This regulation in combination with the military-backed assimilation program during the Suharto era and the fear of self-identifying Chinese identity due to the traumatic events of Maymeant that many Chinese identified themselves as belonging to other ethnic groups in the census ibid: After using various methods, Suryadinata et al.
These policies implanted the historical seeds of prejudice that occasionally flourished into tension between the ethnic Chinese and the pribumi, lit. The ethnic Chinese were often targeted as scapegoats, especially Perhimpunan indonesia tionghoa intimidating times of national crisis.
The difficult position of the ethnic Chinese is encapsulated in the words of the Perhimpunan indonesia tionghoa intimidating writer, Pramoedya Ananta Toer, written in In fact, they are real Indonesians who live and die in Indonesia. However, … they have suddenly become foreigners who are not foreign at all my trans. This policy caused more than ethnic Chinese to leave Indonesia for China see Mandal Nevertheless, diversity that is deemed detrimental or threatening to national integration will not be acknowledged as such.
Modern Indonesian nationalism never managed to successfully accommodate the Chinese in its construction of Indonesia as a national imagined community. While for most nations, citizenship connotes a legal status that differentiates a citizen Perhimpunan indonesia tionghoa intimidating a foreigner, in postcolonial states such as Indonesia, citizenship was internally contestable.
This was evident in the official categorisation of citizens into two groups: In Kalimantan, for instance, the Dayaks see themselves as native pribumi in contradistinction to the Madurese, who are more recent immigrants. However, the New Order government ignored internal diversity within the pribumi when constructing the ethnic Other — the Chinese non-pribumi. The term will be further problematised in Chapter Seven. A new Citizenship Law No.
The heterogeneity of the ethnic Chinese The ethnic Chinese in Indonesia have never been a homogeneous group. Regional and class diversity partly account for their heterogeneous self-identification. The ethnic Chinese are culturally heterogeneous and can be differently grouped in different periods. Conventionally, they have been divided by scholars into two main groups, the China-oriented totok China-born, pure blood and the acculturated peranakan local-born or mixed blood. Nevertheless, in "Perhimpunan indonesia tionghoa intimidating," the peranakan spoke one of the Indonesian dialects or a type of Chinese-Malay language.
Sim contends that the Chinese-Malay language was an emblem of peranakan hybrid identity Its contribution in shaping the modern Indonesian language is undeniable.
Williams also notes that the Chinese felt themselves culturally superior to other peoples This attitude
Perhimpunan indonesia tionghoa intimidating them extremely reluctant to accept or to acknowledge having accepted innovations from abroad.
Thus Williams contends that the Chinese belief in the supremacy of their civilisation was possibly the chief barrier to social communication with Indonesians ibid. This point is attested by Li Minghuan: This language was a combination of bazaar Malay and the Hokkien dialect, later enriched by borrowings from Dutch and other Western languages Hidayat Chinese-Malay literature Sastra Melayu-Tionghoa once discredited as it was deemed to be of low quality.
However, in the s there was a growing acceptance in Indonesia of this literature as part of modern Indonesian language and literature. For more on the Chinese-Malay language and literature, see Sidharta ; Oetomo An interesting study of the contemporary peranakan literature and its implications for Chinese identity has been done by Pam Allen As a result, it became possible for Chinese men to take a China-born wife rather than a native or peranakan, and these immigrants formed the distinct totok community Mackie and Coppel They were not a unified group as they came from different parts of China and spoke in different Chinese dialects.
The totok were generally more politically orientated to China. Nevertheless, the totok-peranakan distinction has been subject to change. Some scholars adopted a socio-cultural distinction to account for the totok and peranakan Skinner ; Suryadinata ; Tan M. According to this distinction, a totok refers to those Chinese who had a Chinese-orientated upbringing and who use Chinese as the medium of communication even though they were born in Indonesia. Similarly, a peranakan refers not only to the Chinese with mixed ancestry, but also to those Perhimpunan indonesia tionghoa intimidating local-born Chinese who cannot speak Chinese at all.